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Wasting
Time In The Middle East
Joel Beinin
TomPaine.com (2/23/07)
Secretary
of State Condoleezza Rice concluded her second trip to the Middle
East in a month with little to show for her efforts. The meeting
she hosted between Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas
(Abu Mazen) and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert was undermined
the day before it began. Olmert announced that Israel and the United
States had agreed that they would boycott the Palestinian government
of national unity which will be formed on the basis of the accords
reached in Mecca unless it recognizes “the right of the State of
Israel to exist,” stops “terrorism” and agrees to fulfill the agreements
signed by the PLO.
Such demands
appear to be sensible requirements for a diplomatic process. But
in fact they are one-sided and hypocritical. The Palestinians must
recognize the right of Israel to exist. But Israel is not required
to define its borders or to recognize the right of a Palestinian
state to exist. The Palestinians must stop “terrorism,” but Israel
is not required to stop military operations in the Palestinian territories
or the building of settlements. The Palestinians should fulfill
the agreements they have signed, but Israel is not required to do
so, even though it has violated many provisions of the Oslo accords
and the roadmap, such as opening “safe passages” between the Gaza
Strip and the West Bank, carrying out of the third “redeployment”
(withdrawal from Palestinian territories), treating the West Bank
and the Gaza Strip as a single territory, freezing settlement construction,
etc.
This meeting
was planned after Rice's previous visit to the Middle East when
she met with several Arab ministers and presidents. They received
her politely, but were skeptical of the Bush administration's plan
to escalate the war in Iraq. They all insisted that the one useful
thing that the United States could do in the Middle East would be
to promote Palestinian-Israeli peace. In response, Rice pledged
to build on the “momentum” of the first formal meeting between Palestinian
President Mahmoud Abbas and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert on
December 24 by hosting this informal meeting, which neither party
agreed to call a negotiation and which did not even produce a joint
statement or a press release. In fact, there is little momentum
towards any peace agreement. U.S. policy is already trailing behind
the development of events.
Following the
December meeting, Olmert announced several policy changes meant
to ease conditions for Palestinians, whose economic distress has
become a humanitarian crisis with the potential to threaten the
stability of the entire Middle East. Olmert's promises remain mostly
unfulfilled, and Israel continues to make unilateral decisions that
undermine the possibility of peace or stability.
The cabinet
agreed to remove 27 of the more than 500 checkpoints that obstruct
Palestinians' daily movement to and from work, schools and medical
care and ease inspection procedures at 16 more. An investigative
report by the daily Ha'aretz revealed that improvements
were minimal. While one checkpoint was removed, new mobile checkpoints
have been added.
Israeli Defense
Minister Amir Peretz called for a release of some of the 8,000 Palestinian
prisoners Israel holds before Eid al-Adha in late December. Though
pre-holiday releases have been customary, the army pressured the
cabinet to block the release.
Days after the
December Olmert-Abbas meeting, Israel signaled its disinterest in
negotiations by approving construction of the first official new
West Bank settlement in ten years, violating a commitment to the
Bush administration to freeze settlement construction. That decision
has subsequently been “frozen.” While Olmert was briefing Egyptian
President Hosni Mubarak about his initiatives, the Israeli army
invaded Ramallah and shot up the main downtown square, killing four
and wounding 30 civilians. As Rice met with her Egyptian counterpart,
Ahmed Aboul Gheit, Israel announced the construction of 44 new housing
units in Ma‘ale Adumim, the largest settlement in the West Bank.
Israel did follow
through on Olmert's pledge to transfer $100 million out of about
$600 million in customs and sales taxes it has owed the Palestinian
Authority since March 2006. The funds were paid directly to Abbas,
bypassing the Hamas-led Palestinian Authority. Earlier, Israel permitted
Egypt to deliver arms to forces loyal to Abbas in an effort to strengthen
his Fatah movement against Hamas.
Israel is encouraging
military confrontation between Fatah and Hamas, rather than pursuing
a possible diplomatic opening with Hamas. On January 10, Hamas leader
Khaled Meshal told Reuters that Israel is a “matter of fact.” Hamas
previously rejected any agreement with Israel on the grounds that
Palestinians should seek to liberate all of historic Palestine.
Dismissing this potential shift in Hamas' position with a shrug,
Prime Minister Olmert flippantly asked journalists, “Should I be
expected to read what he said?”
Israel has also
been intransigent toward its Arab neighbors. On January 16 Ha'aretz
reported that secret informal talks between Syria and Israel from
September 2004 to July 2006 formulated understandings for a comprehensive
peace agreement between the two countries. In exchange for Israeli
withdrawal from Syrian territory occupied in 1967, Syria would sign
a peace agreement recognizing Israel, ensure that Lebanon's Hizballah
would limit itself to being a political party, require Meshal to
leave Damascus and distance itself from Iran. The contacts ended
after Israel rejected a Syrian request for an official meeting with
the participation of a senior American official. Nonetheless, Syrian
President Bashar al-Asad subsequently affirmed publicly his willingness
to negotiate a peace with Israel. Olmert rebuffed these overtures.
Israel's recent
actions demonstrate an unwillingness to explore possibilities for
peace, proving both of Secretary Rice's trips to be only a theatrical
exercise. Though she achieved the freeze of a new settlement and
the partial delivery of the funds owed to the Palestinian Authority,
it was done in a way that encourages conflict and instability and
contributes nothing to Israeli-Palestinian peace. The situation
in the Palestinian territories is far too dire for pretenses, half-measures
or symbolic gestures to make a difference. There may still be a
window of opportunity for a comprehensive agreement to resolve the
Arab-Israeli conflict. It should not be allowed to close.
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Joel Beinin
is director of Middle East Studies and Professor of History at the
American University in Cairo and contributing editor of Middle
East Report.
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